Being able to speak — and be heard — safely

Let Families Confer With the Prosecutor — Privately

Creating a privilege for what a victim — or, where the victim has died, a close relative — says when conferring with the prosecutor, so the constitutional right to confer can be exercised candidly.

DRAFT — not filed  Proposed bill for the 90th Texas Legislature · Adds Article 56A.056, Code of Criminal Procedure · Last updated November 5, 2026

The problem

Article I, Section 30 of the Texas Constitution gives every crime victim, on request, "the right to confer with a representative of the prosecutor's office" — to share views on charging, pleas, dismissal, and sentence, and to offer questions and analysis. Chapter 56A of the Code of Criminal Procedure repeats the right. But nothing in Texas law protects what is said in conferring. A victim who will testify is a "witness," her written statements are producible under Article 39.14, and a family member who emails the prosecutor sits in a grey zone with no protection at all. The right to confer is therefore exercised under the other side's surveillance: anything candid can be ordered handed to the defence.

In the case behind this bill, a father who had spent a year building an evidence binder for the retrial of his daughter's killer faced a defence motion, on the eve of that retrial, claiming he had run a "private investigation outside the protection of Brady" — and his correspondence with the prosecutor was ordered disclosed. The lesson every future family will draw is to say less.

What the bill does

It codifies Section 30's conferring right by creating a privilege for conferring communications — a victim's (or, where the victim has died, a close relative's) views on charging, plea, dismissal, and sentence; their questions; and analysis or strategy they offer the prosecutor. The privilege belongs to the victim or family member, never to the prosecutor. Only the holder can waive it, in writing — and for a joint communication, only its author or authors can waive it; being copied on an email gives nobody a veto. Before any court-ordered disclosure, the holder must receive notice and has standing to ask a court to stay it. At the start of the relationship, the prosecutor gives the family a one-time, plain-language explanation of what the privilege covers and what it does not. The bill applies to proceedings beginning on or after its effective date.

Why it works

Texas has already built exactly this machine, twice — for what victims tell sexual-assault advocates (Government Code §§420.071–.074) and family-violence advocates (Family Code Chapter 93): a victim-held privilege, with exculpatory material reaching the defence only through sealed in camera judicial review, limited to the exculpatory portion. The United States Supreme Court approved that same model in Pennsylvania v. Ritchie (1987). This bill extends a proven Texas pattern to the one conferring partner the Constitution itself names: the prosecutor.

Rights and safeguards — Brady is untouched

How hard will this be to pass?

High — 4 of 5

This is the most legally ambitious bill in the package: it creates a new privilege inside a discovery system Texas rebuilt after the Michael Morton wrongful conviction, and the defence bar and innocence advocates will scrutinise anything that looks like a new category of State-side non-disclosure. The bill's answer is structural — fact-witness material is excluded entirely, and exculpatory content has the same sealed judicial channel Texas already trusts with advocate files — but expect that argument to be had in full, in committee and in print, before it is won.

Cost

No significant fiscal note is expected. The bill is procedural; it creates no agency, programme, or entitlement.

What we need — and the next step

We are asking victims' advocacy organisations to champion or endorse this bill, testify for it, or advise on it — and members of the 90th Legislature to consider authoring it. It protects a right the Texas Constitution already grants, so that what a family tells the prosecutor in confidence is not simply handed to the other side.

Next step: a 20-minute briefing with Lawrence Baitland — and then your yes or no on championing this bill.

Download the one-page summary (PDF)

Reading on? Below this line the page goes deeper: first a fuller brief for advocates preparing to pitch this bill inside their own organisation, then a technical appendix for attorneys and legislative staff.

Layer 2 — The advocacy brief

For advocates preparing to pitch this bill: the fuller picture, the arguments against it stated fairly, and our answers.

How this gap in the law actually plays out

Content note: this section describes one family's experience of conferring with a prosecutor across two trials, in plain terms and without graphic detail.

During his daughter Cayley's first trial, Lawrence Baitland sat in the gallery while a defence medical expert testified. With a background in biomedical work, he could see where the testimony departed from the records — so he texted rebuttal questions to the prosecutor in real time, and the prosecutor put them to the witness. That is conferring as the Texas Constitution seems to intend it: not a courtesy update, but the family closest to the facts helping the State's lawyer do the State's work. The jury hung.

In the year that followed, he bought the trial transcript and built an evidence binder for the retrial: timelines, graphs, and one-page summaries matching the defence expert's claims against the evidence that bore on them. He gave that analysis to the prosecutor as conferring — a citizen's input into decisions the prosecutor alone would make.

On the eve of the retrial, the defence moved to obtain all of his correspondence with the prosecutor. The theory of the motion is the point: because his conferring took the form of analysis, the defence argued he had conducted a "private investigation outside the protection of Brady" — reclassifying a father exercising a constitutional right as an investigator of the State, whose correspondence had to be produced. The court ordered the correspondence disclosed. (In the event, the disclosure backfired: the defence, seeing its expert dismantled, did not call its star witness. Lawrence's point is structural, not personal.) Every victim's advocate in Texas must now give the next family the warning his case created: be careful what you tell the prosecutor; the defence may read it. Families will confer less, or not at all — and prosecutors will lose the local knowledge and records mastery that a family carries and no case file contains.

Likely criticism — and our answers

You will meet these arguments in committee, in the press, and possibly inside your own organisation. Each is stated in its strongest fair form. The expected sources are the criminal-defence bar (the Texas Criminal Defense Lawyers Association has taken documented positions against discovery and privilege changes in this area, though it has taken no position on this bill), innocence and civil-liberties organisations (the coalition that built open-file discovery in 2013), and some prosecutors — named here as likely critics, which is a different thing from naming an ally: no critic is misrepresented by being expected to argue its own stated mission.

"Texas rebuilt discovery after Michael Morton spent 25 years in prison while exculpatory material sat in a prosecutor's file. Any new State-side non-disclosure category risks the next wrongful conviction."

The argument deserves respect — and the bill's answer is structural, not rhetorical. Brady is a federal constitutional floor that no Texas statute can lower, and this bill does not try: the prosecutor's duty to disclose exculpatory, impeaching, or mitigating material (Article 39.14(h); Rule 3.09(d)) is preserved in the bill's own text, expressly and without condition, and the prosecutor must perform it on receipt of a conferring communication and throughout the proceeding — no defence motion required. Fact-witness material is excluded from the privilege definition entirely. What the bill protects is not a place to put evidence; it is a citizen's input into prosecutorial decisions — the same category of material the law already shields when it is the prosecutor's own work product under Article 39.14(a).

"The victim is often the State's central witness. Her prior statements are the classic impeachment corpus — a privilege over them collides with confrontation."

Correct as to fact statements — which is why they are never privileged under this bill. Classification turns on content, not on who is speaking or whether she testifies: a statement of fact about the offence, or about the subject matter of her testimony, remains producible under Article 39.14(a) and Rule 615 exactly as today. The bill also states expressly that nothing in it limits a defendant's constitutional rights as applied by the court. What stays protected is genuine conferring — views, questions, and analysis — which is not testimony and is not impeachment material.

"This creates a secret second prosecution file. The defence has no equivalent channel — it is asymmetry dressed as a victims' right."

The asymmetry already exists, and the defence benefits from its mirror image: the prosecutor's own work product and internal communications are expressly non-discoverable under Article 39.14(a), and defence counsel's client communications are privileged absolutely. This bill extends the existing, accepted protection to the one participant the Constitution itself directs into the room — the victim, exercising the right to confer. It creates no secrecy for evidence: everything evidentiary moves through the same lanes as today, and the bill requires conferring communications to be kept in a separate file with a sealed log (date, participants, classification claimed) available to the court, so the privilege's footprint is auditable without exposing its content.

"People don't speak in labelled categories. One email mixes fact, view, and strategy — line-drawing will consume prosecutors and courts and generate appeals."

Texas courts already run exactly this machinery. The advocate privileges (Government Code §§420.071–.074; Family Code Chapter 93) have operated for years with the same content-classification problem, and Rule 615(c) redaction practice segregates producible from non-producible portions of the same document as a matter of routine. This bill copies §420.074's tested thresholds — a motion deadline, an affidavit showing a good-faith, specific, reasonable basis, a preponderance finding, non-duplication, sealed review — so existing practice transfers rather than being invented. Classification errors are a real cost; the alternative being defended is that no family's analysis is ever protected at all.

"Families — or prosecutors — will launder exculpatory facts through the 'privileged' channel to keep them from the defence."

Content controls, not labels or stated purpose: the bill classifies a communication by what it says, "regardless of the form, label, or stated purpose of the communication." A factual or exculpatory communication is outside the privilege wherever it sits. And a prosecutor who routed around Brady through this channel would commit the same violation as one who hides a police report — under Kyles v. Whitley, the duty belongs to the prosecution team and cannot be evaded by choosing where information is parked. The bill's anti-laundering design is the reason its preservation of the disclosure duty is written as unconditioned.

"Prosecutors themselves won't thank you. Receiving privileged communications creates review obligations, log work, and personal exposure if a court later finds protected material should have been disclosed."

A fair warning, and the honest answer is that the profession is split — its institutional record is strongly pro-disclosure (the prosecutors' association supported and helped build the Morton Act's open-file regime and teaches that ethical disclosure duties exceed Brady), while individual prosecutors receive victim conferring daily and have felt disclosure orders like the one behind this bill. The bill answers the workload concern with a filing rule rather than a merits burden: a designated conferring file, a log produced only on request and under seal, and the §420.074 procedure prosecutors' offices already know from advocate-privilege cases. Prosecutor organisations should be consulted on the drafting before filing, not first met in committee — and they are treated on this page as a consultee, not a counted ally.

Potential allies

These are the kinds of organisation whose missions and records align with this bill. Organisations are deliberately not named here. A group that found its own name on a bill page could reasonably read it as being cited as a supporter, and no organisation has committed to this bill. Named research is kept in the project's working papers; a category below means a natural conversation to have, not a position taken.

Prosecutors are a consultee, not a counted ally. The profession's institutional record is pro-disclosure, individual prosecutors are divided, and no prosecutor body has taken a position on this bill. Early consultation on the disclosure channel, the log, and the classification burden is part of the filing plan.

Prospective authors

To be published after re-verification. Candidates to approach — several members, identified from their records on this exact policy in the 88th and 89th Legislatures — have been researched and are held in the project's working papers. Because the 2026 election changed the House, the governorship, and the Lieutenant Governorship, no names are published here until rosters and committee assignments for the 90th Legislature are verified in January. What can be said now: the strongest approach follows the team that carried this policy unanimously in 2023, with a bipartisan coauthor pairing.

Fiscal and implementation notes

Talking points

Questions advocates ask

Does this bill hide evidence from the defence?

No. Facts are never privileged: anything a person knows, and anything about what they will testify to, stays exactly as reachable as today. Anything exculpatory, impeaching, or mitigating must be disclosed — the prosecutor's duty is stated in the bill itself, is unconditioned, and is backed by a sealed in camera procedure if a court order is needed. What is protected is views, questions, and analysis offered in conferring.

What happens if the victim herself testifies?

She keeps the privilege over genuine conferring, and loses it over nothing else: the line is content, not witness status. Her factual statements — including statements about the subject matter of her testimony — remain producible under Article 39.14(a) and Rule 615 exactly as they are today.

Who owns the privilege — and can the prosecutor waive it or use it as a shield?

The victim or family member owns it; the prosecutor cannot waive it, and claiming it is no defence to a disclosure duty. Only the holder can waive it, in a signed writing, and only as to communications that holder authored — for a jointly authored communication, every author must sign. Being copied on someone else's email gives nobody a veto.

What if a family member emails the prosecutor something that turns out to be exculpatory?

Then it is disclosed. The prosecutor's duty under Article 39.14(h) and Rule 3.09(d) operates on receipt and throughout the proceeding, including during trial, without any defence motion. Where a court order governs, the judge reviews the communication under seal and orders disclosure of only the specific exculpatory portion, under a protective order; the holder gets notice first and may ask the court to stay the disclosure.

Does conferring make a family member an agent or investigator of the State?

No — the bill says so expressly. Classification is by content, and a holder does not become an agent, representative, employee, or investigator of the State by making a conferring communication. The "notwithstanding" provision is written to cover disclosure motions premised on exactly that reclassification theory — the theory used against the family behind this bill.

Has any other state done this?

Research to date has found no privilege for victim–prosecutor communications in any other state's law, and none in the federal Crime Victims' Rights Act — every comparator found protects communications with counsellors or advocates, not with prosecutors. That is stated as a research finding, not a boast: a full audit is to confirm the negative before the point is made publicly.

Layer 3 — Technical appendix

For attorneys, board reviewers, and legislative staff: current law, what the draft changes, the legal analysis, and the seams we already know about.

Download the draft bill in Texas House format (PDF) — DRAFT, not filed

Current law

ProvisionWhat it does now
Tex. Const. art. I, §30(b)(3) The constitutional conferring right: "On the request of a crime victim, the crime victim has … the right to confer with a representative of the prosecutor's office." Section 30(a) adds treatment with fairness, dignity, and privacy, and reasonable protection; §30(c) expressly empowers the Legislature "to enact laws to define the term 'victim' and to enforce these and other rights of crime victims"; §30(e) gives the victim standing to enforce §30 rights while denying party status. The draft codifies the conferring right in §30's own terms.
Code Crim. Proc. ch. 56A The statutory conferring rights: art. 56A.051 (general rights of a victim, guardian, or close relative of a deceased victim — principally notice, presence, and information), art. 56A.052 (offence-specific rights, including disposition-conferring on request: views on not filing, dismissal, pretrial intervention, and plea), and art. 56A.0521 (added by SB 1120, 89th Leg., 2025, extending disposition-conferring to family-violence victims). Chapter 56A grants the right to confer and says nothing about the confidentiality, privilege, or discoverability of what is said in conferring — the gap this bill fills.
No victim–prosecutor privilege exists Tex. R. Evid. art. V recognises only the privileges provided by constitution, statute, or rule (Rule 501: lawyer–client, spousal, clergy, informer's identity, and the rest). No Texas statute located in this research protects victim–prosecutor communications as such. A privilege of this kind must therefore be created by statute — the route the Legislature has already taken twice for victim-advocate communications (next row).
Gov't Code §§420.071–.074; Fam. Code ch. 93 The Texas drafting templates. Section 420.071 makes sexual-assault advocate–survivor communications confidential and gives the survivor a privilege; §420.072(a)(7) permits disclosure where a court, after in camera review, determines a communication is exculpatory, "limited to the specific portion" determined exculpatory; §420.074 supplies the procedure (defence motion not later than the 30th day before trial, affidavit showing reasonable grounds, service on the State and the holder, production under seal, preponderance finding of a good-faith, specific, reasonable basis, disclosure of only the exculpatory evidence). Family Code ch. 93 (§§93.001–.004, 2017) is the parallel family-violence advocate privilege. The settled Texas pattern: privilege + in camera exculpatory exception + holder-notice procedure.
Code Crim. Proc. art. 39.14(a) and (h) Article 39.14(a) (the Michael Morton Act) requires the State, on timely defence request, to produce written or recorded statements of a witness and other material evidence "not otherwise privileged," excluding the work product of counsel for the State; its rights expressly "do not extend to written communications between the state and an agent, representative, or employee of the state" — a sentence that does not protect a family member, who is none of those things. A victim who will testify is a "witness," and her written statements are squarely producible unless privileged. Article 39.14(h) codifies Brady: the State "shall disclose" any exculpatory, impeachment, or mitigating information in its possession, custody, or control. Texas courts read these duties expansively (Watkins; Heath — "the State" includes law enforcement).
Tex. R. Evid. 615 After a non-defendant witness testifies on direct, the court must order production of any statement of the witness in the calling party's possession relating to the subject matter of the testimony; unrelated portions are excised after in camera inspection and preserved under seal. Rule 615 is the trial-stage exposure: a testifying victim's or family member's prior written statements about the subject matter of their testimony are producible whatever a communications privilege says — the draft expressly yields here (see the section-by-section account).
Tex. Disciplinary R. Prof'l Conduct 3.09(d); Brady line A prosecutor's ethical duty to disclose evidence tending to negate guilt or mitigate is broader than Brady itself (no materiality filter); a statute cannot license a prosecutor to breach it. Brady v. Maryland, 373 U.S. 83 (1963); Giglio (impeachment included); Bagley (materiality); Kyles v. Whitley (the duty is the prosecution team's); Pennsylvania v. Ritchie, 480 U.S. 39 (1987) (due process satisfied by in camera review with disclosure of material portions only — the constitutional authority for this bill's disclosure channel).
18 U.S.C. §3771(a)(5) (federal comparator) The federal Crime Victims' Rights Act grants "the reasonable right to confer with the attorney for the Government" — and no privilege. In In re Dean, 527 F.3d 391 (5th Cir. 2008), the Fifth Circuit read conferring as substantive input into prosecutorial decision-making (a plea concluded without conferring violated the Act) — direct support for the two-way reading of "confer" — while saying nothing about discoverability. No federal privilege for victim–prosecutor communications was found.

What the draft changes, section by section

The draft adds a single new article — Article 56A.056, Code of Criminal Procedure — drafted in §30's own terms, followed by conforming provisions. Its structure is three lanes: conferring is privileged; fact-witness material is never privileged; exculpatory portions move through a sealed judicial channel.

Legal analysis

Known seams — flagged for the author and Legislative Council

Published here deliberately: a bill page that hides its drafting issues will not survive staff review, and these are mechanical rather than substantive.

Sources

The next step

Champion, endorse, testify, advise — or author. The next step is a 20-minute briefing with Lawrence Baitland, and then your yes or no.